Monday, May 28, 2007

CO article

Struggling to have the Freedom of Conscience respected amidst civil war:
The Colombian Conscientious Objectors’ movement
By Janice Gallagher

Carlos Andres Hincapie, 18, had gone out to the store to buy eggs for his family’s breakfast when he ran into the military, who asked for his military identification card, certifying he had completed his military service. He told them he didn’t have one, and didn’t agree with military service. Without returning to his house, he was loaded onto the back of a military truck, and taken to the military barracks. He could not call his parents, and the next day was whisked off for “training” several hours away. Within two weeks, he was engaged in active duty military service. He signed a statement two months later certifying that he was a Conscientious Objector, and in return received harsh physical treatment at the hands of the military.

That was in August of 2006. Today, Carlos Andres remains in the military, where he has been forced to perform his military service despite his moral objections to the use of violence.

His case and hundreds of like his have inspired a youth movement in Colombia which is challenging the State’s right to force them to participate in Colombia’s bloody civil war. This May over 70 youth from all corners of Colombia, along with international supporters from 7 different countries, came together for a week-long conference in which they debated, danced, organized and educated others about the prospect of resisting military service based on a personal commitment to non-violence.

Sandra Grisales, an organizer with the Red Juvenil, or Youth Network, of Medellín explained “We are here as a group of young people imagining that a different world is possible...because we think the same way, and because we are celebrating our right to think freely. For me, injustice doesn’t help me at all, and I will not be part of continuing it.”

The reality for youth in Colombia today
In Colombia, forcibly recruiting youth to be involved in the over 40-year civil war has been regarded as just another tragic effect of the armed conflict. Over the past several years, however, an organized youth movement has emerged to challenge this aspect of the war. The movement’s premises are simple: they want the right to say no to participating in Colombia’s cycles of violence. Or, as Katedrá, a dancer with the Villarica Conscientious Objector hip hop group Soporte Klan explained “for me, liberty is the most important thing. I am awakened to do something in spite of all the difficulties we will face because today we are not free.”

Forced recruitment, or obligatory service, is carried out by every armed group within the Colombian civil war – the paramilitaries, the guerillas, and the “official” state army. While resisting recruitment by the “illegal armed actors” (the paramilitaries and guerrillas) is difficult, since by definition the groups and all of their activities are already illegal, the Conscientious Objectors have begun to seriously challenge the Colombian government’s right to obligate men over 18 to serve in the military.

Currently, all men over 18 must serve in the military unless they are displaced, indigenous, high school students, physically incapable of serving, heads of family themselves or the only child of their parents. Despite regulations guaranteeing youth the right to prove they are exempt from service, the most common form of military recruitment entails rounding up boys at places where they are likely to meet: at schools, parks, or dance and billiard halls, and whisking them off for their service without the opportunity (or, most likely, the information) to file for an exemption form service. Youth may “buy” their way out of military service for about $200, but this is not an option for many poor youth, and accordingly, poor youth make up the bulk of those that actually serve in the military.

Those who don’t succeed in obtaining the coveted libreta militar, or military service card, are denied opportunities for education and employment. Without the libreta, one cannot graduate from University or get a job with any private or public company, leaving only informal or illegal sector employment open to them.

As is true with many things in Colombia, there are written norms, regulations and laws, and then there is the way things really work. Often, youth never have a chance to prove that they are exempt. Often officials can be bribed into giving over the coveted libreta militar. And sometimes, officials decide to make an example of one person: In one case, a youth was displaced, the primary breadwinner in the family, a declared Conscientious Objector, and he was recruited illegally. He was recruited in November, and remains in the military despite numerous legal challenges on clearly valid grounds. After linking up with a local CO group to push his case, his mother has since asked that it be left alone, for fear of further repercussions against her son and her family.

Conscientious Objection in Colombia: A legal right?
There are two contradictory provisions in the 1991 Colombian Constitution: Article 18 in the section on fundamental rights guarantees that “nobody will be obligated to act against their conscience.” Article 216, in the section on the state forces, states “All Colombians are obligated to take up arms when the public interest necessitates in order to defend national independence and public institutions.” The Colombian Constitutional Court has ruled that there is no right to Conscientious Objection under Colombian law, citing Article 216. While this has obviously closed doors in the Colombian legal system, it has led the Colombian COs to look towards international law.

The UN’s Commission and Committee on Human Rights have long recognized the right of conscientious objection to military service “as part of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion enshrined in Article 18 of both the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. ” In January of 2007, however, the UN Human Rights Committee, the legal body that rules on UN human rights, more strongly affirmed this right than ever before: they decided that South Korea had violated Article 18 by not providing for conscientious objection to military service for two Jehovah’s Witnesses (in the case of Mr. Yeo-Bum Yoon and Mr. Myung-Jin Choi v Republic of Korea),

Why should Colombia listen to the UN? Well, Colombia is a “party to both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ratified 29 October 1969),” it recognizes in its constitution the legitimacy of international law over domestic law when they contradict, and it also signed something called the “First Optional Protocol” with the UN, which means individuals can bring cases directly to the UN when they feel Colombian law is contradicting international law.
Since the Colombian Constitutional Court clearly demonstrated that there are no more legal remedies in Colombia, the door is open at the Committee on Human rights to consider the Colombian case. In 2004, they already indicated what they thought about Colombia’s view of COs stating “The Committee notes with concern that the legislation of the State [Colombia] party does not allow conscientious objection to military service.
The State party should guarantee that conscientious objectors are able to opt for alternative service whose duration would not have punitive effects. ”

At this CO conference, participants discussed possible test cases to bring to the UN Human Rights Committee. In one case, a declared Conscientious Objector has been denied his diploma despite finishing his university coursework because he has not completed his military service. According to another recognized UN statute, this is discrimination based on CO status, which is illegal. The hope is that with a ruling against the Colombian CO position, Colombia would be pressured to change its legal ruling.

CO movement in Colombia:
What everyone at the conference recognized, and what officials said the next week when faced with the clear legal case for the recognition of Conscientious Objection in Colombia, was that without a strong Colombian and international lobbying effort for this right, there would not be sufficient political will to push this change. It was with this knowledge that last week’s conference participants shared their individual organizing strategies, developed ways for expanding their movement, and took to the streets on the final day to spread their message.

Conference participants told of how they were creatively spreading the idea of conscientious objection in their home communities: In Sincelejo, the CO group has succeeded in using a government education department provision requiring that students be educated about alternatives to war to attain a permanent presence in four high schools. They give weekly classes educating students about their rights in the face of recruitment, and ask them to think critically about whether to serve in the military. In Villarica, a group of young COs have come together in a hip hop group where they sing, rap and dance about their commitment to non-violence and non-participation in the armed conflict. In Barranca, I heard about their efforts to assist youth who have been recruited illegally or against their will, and their legal and political fight to have them freed from service. In Medellín they told of courageous young men who have gone to the local army Brigade, presented their declaration as Conscientious Objectors, and are putting themselves on the line in order to build a legal case and precedence for the legalization of CO status.

As a group, the COs choreographed and performed compelling street theatre on some of the busiest corners in Medellin: they first walked around freely, and then silently paired off. They joined hands with their partner and pulled opposite ways, both desperately trying to go their own way, to symbolize forced military recruitment against their will. . They then let go of each other’s hands, both falling to the floor, demonstrating that after this recruitment against their will, everyone falls, everyone loses, and suffers. After a rapped mantra narrating the injustice of forced recruitment and the right to conscientious objection, the 70 corpses of the participants were simultaneously resuscitated, and they broke into song and dance, celebrating the life-giving power of the freedom of thought and the right to follow their conscience. They danced and sang their way down the streets of Medellin to the next metro stop, where they repeated their performance, and then publicly read their mission statement.

The Conscientious Objector Movement was born in 1988 in Colombia, and has started to build steam in the past several years, hosting four national conferences, and hosting their first international conference in June 2006. They have met since to arrive at their legal strategy and to bring together the thinking of the diverse group that makes up the COs.

Their hopes as a group are diverse, but nearly all of them recognize that it will be a long struggle. Freed Molina, a declared Conscientious Objector from Sincelejo said “I knoiw the struggle will be long, but I would like for Conscientious Objection to turn into a way of life...I hope that the demilitarization we are advocating for isn’t only legal, but that it extends to all acts and creates a pacifist revolution in a person’s being.”

They have realized as a group how vital international support is to their movement, and are arranging for international trips for many of their members. The idea is to find groups of people who will support their struggle for the recognition of CO status from outside the country by applying political pressure when a youth is recruited. If you are interested, please send an email to FOR Bogota at presenciaparalapaz@yahoo.com. We are currently gathering signatures to try and get Carlos Andres Hinacapie released from his unwilling military service.

Thursday, May 24, 2007

colombian anti-privatization, buddhist poem, and COs

As has started to be the trend, the last couple weeks have been more intense than any to date. The Buddhists left, and that same day I flew up to Medellin and attended a weeklong Consciencious Objector conference (thanks to the generous sponsorship of one of the Buddhists who is also a Veteran for Peace and supporter of Consciencious Objectors). Consciencious Objection is not a recognized right in Colombia, though under the Constitution it should be. I am working on a long article about their efforts which I hope to have done in a couple days.

In the meantime, I returned to Bogotá, had lots of meetings with Embassies and Colombian officials concerning the safety of the community, particularly the humanitarian zones, and our concern about ongoing paramilitary-military cooperation. I droppped in on a HUGE national protest against privatization (specifically of the educational system and the TLC) and then Sunday I go to Medellín, where I will be doing a week-long accompaniment of the Campesino Association here.









This is a compilation of a series of poems the Buddhist delegation wrote. Have I mentioned that you should come on the August delegation?? Email me for more info.

Colombia is searching for a way of peace
Roosters make themselves known all day and night.
I was expecting rain but not this! Not this crash-bang-flash-smash-gush-rush or a flood-storm!
And after, it’s that horse sweat-river water-human-mud smell again
Slimy mango dribbles down my chin and I’d let it stay there forever
These fingers and eyes so open, softer than the rain
Still feeling the heat of the sun on my face, rain falls once more
I won’t forget that I speak this language, this world, with my whole heart
“I won’t forget you,” I said, “I swear”—and I don’t know her name or remember her story but it was not a lie.
Crumbling brick, shiny new high-rises
I learned that nothing is black and white.

Thursday, May 10, 2007

found photos

Symptom of how hectic this month has been: My camera ran out of batteries two weeks ago, and today I had time to buy and put new batteries in, and discovered I had some pretty good pictures of things I had almost forgotten I had seen. For example, I saw crabs for sale on a rope while in Apartadó. So, gracias to my camera, here are some more memories from April...and a little of May.

Villavicencio: About 3 hours South East of Bogotá, gateway to the plains, home to my friend Toni, and famous for carne janera, a special tender kind of slow-roasted meat.


Mireille and I eating raw cacao, the seed you make chocolate out of. You actually just suck on the white fuzzy stuff on the outside of the seed, and then spit out the seed, because it is really bitter until it is roasted, ground, and then combined with sugar.
The Peace Community makes amazing cacao, and if anyone is, by any chance looking to import tons (literally) of cacao which is awaiting organic certification, or knows anyone who is, let me know. seriously.

A river crossing in Suesca, the paradise about an hour north of Bogotá where I try to go on the weekends.

A really really big ant in the Peace Community. There were lots of them, and they were as big as quarters. I don't think they bite, though I didn't test this theory.

A cross overlooking La Unión in the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, where I have spent a total of about two months.

As promised, crabs on ropes waiting to be sold in "downtown" Apartadó. The crabs are caught in the very dirty river that runs through town. I don't know if they are good...I have somehow restrained myself from trying them yet.

Cute puppies at Toni's house.

Wednesday, May 09, 2007

buddha rocks, uribe doesn't

a zen delegation
Of all things you might imagine me doing here...this blog update finds me in the middle of the amazingly quaint and historic Colombian town of Villa de Leyva on a Zen Buddhist retreat. Former FOR team member Sarah Weintraub organized a Buddhist delegation together with her mother, who is the former Abbess of the San Francisco Zen Center, and they have been here for the past couple of weeks meditating in the mornings and having a whirlwind of meetings and intensive exposure to the many sides of the Colombian peace movement and conflict for the remaining 12-16 hours a day. Meeting with the different groups, especially the families of victims of the violence, has been, as always, overwhelming, terribly sad, inspiring, confusing and educational all at once.

Buddhists eating at Crepes and Waffles, my favorite restaurant

For me, it has been a wonderful opportunity to learn from Sarah, who was in Colombia for over three years, who founded the Bogotá office almost two years ago, and is an experienced delegation leader. It has also been amazingly positive for me to have the opportunity to meditate and process this experience with the delegation. I have now been here almost six months, and especially in the last month of running around, I feel I almost haven't had time to breather, bathe, and sleep, much less really take time to process, integrate and feel all I am experiencing. For me, meditating has been like going out to coffee with myself many days in a row - I have taken time to really listen to what I am thinking for the first time in a long time.

I also have been missing the Unitarian Church and community, and after an attempt at the Mennonite church (good people! looong service, with an evangelical feel that felt very, umm, foreign to me), being with Buddhists has felt surprisingly like home. Their focus, at least in my eyes, is on being present and mindful, and on doing what you can to make the world a


Sarah at a restaurant in Bogotá. She
is indeed sitting under a converted
salon hair dryer, now lamp, facing a picture of Jesus


better, more peaceful place without needing to be attached to the results. The Delegation also met up with welcoming and warm Buddhist sanghas, or communities, in Bogota and Medellin, and I plan to stay in touch with these sanghas, and even go once in a while. Having a bastion of peace and serenity seems like a good thing while I'm doing this work.

During this retreat, I have finally had some time to write and reflect. A couple things in particular have stuck with me:
((This picture doesn't really fit here...but I took it while at the top of Montserrate with the delegation. It's Jesus. Holding a cross. On a mountain.))

Knowing enough to know you know nothing...
At a visit at the Canadian Embassy, the head of their Political Section told us that when he was training to come to Colombia, he was reading a lot, getting briefed by country experts, and that after about 18 hours of this one day, his superior said to him “you look a bit overwhelmed.” He nodded, and his superior said something like: “Remember this feeling. This is the height of your confidence about your knowledge of Colombia.”

I have found in these past two weeks how much more I knew than I realized I did, and how I know almost absolutely nothing about this conflict and this country. I know now that the big issues are...
*displacement (of over 3 million Colombians, mainly Afro-Colombian, indigenous and rural communities to the cities, and then the multitude of issues that come up around what to do with these millions of people),
*the para-political scandal (
ie, the ties between government officials and terrorist “para-military” groups that have come to light recently. Paramilitary groups have brutalized the entire country since the 1980s, but especially human rights activists, community leaders, progressive politicians, and labor union leaders),
* the demobilization process
<-- click here for a really interesting Amnesty International cartoon illustrating the basic flaws of this process. (the process of former paramilitaries receiving immunity in return for supposedly disarming and telling the truth, and the questions that have been raised about whether they’re really disarming, really telling the truth, and really going to stop brutalizing the country)

...but I have little grasp of where actual power lies, who is directing the violence, and which side or sides people/organizations and groups can be lumped together in. I don’t understand how the interrelationship between all the various groups and armed actors were formed, and I have no idea if anything is really being done or can be done to break the ties of people who for so long have conspired to spill so much blood. And finally, I don’t really understand how people – who look, feel, act and feel pain like the rest of us – have systematically kept up such staggering levels of violence.

In terms of my actions in respect to what I have learned, my belief that the protective and political accompaniment work FOR does is vital to the situation here has been reaffirmed: I am more convinced that in a situation as complex and historically entangled as the Colombian situation, my role as an American can not be to come here and tell people, in any way, how to fix their situation. However, if there is a way that I can make “space” for groups committed to peace to do their work more safely, and to also let people in the US know about their work, I am also convinced that these are important ingredients to an eventual peace. It feels right, in other words, to act by simply being present – to bear witness to the situation here.














The importance of good friends...again
:
I have already written the blog entry where I talk about how the people really make the experience, that without dear friends to experience and talk with, it is hard for me to make meaning of some of what I am seeing...blah blah blah. But, it bares repeating. A good friend of mine, Toni, has recently moved to Colombia, essentially because the planets aligned and the world is good. She had planned to go to Chile, but at the last moment, ended up working with a new UN Refugee Agency in Colombia, not too far from Bogota. So, I have managed to see her almost every weekend during this crazy month, and shared good time in Villavicencio, another beautiful colonial town which sits on the edge of the mountains and the plains, and which is famous for it's rockin' special brand of Colombian music...which is characterized by harp plucking.


URIBE: Loved or Hated?
Uribe was in the US recently, as you may have heard, and he received some serious questions from Democrats about the para-political scandal, an appropriately chilly reception from Nanacy Pelosi, and also particularly received some flac regarding the veracity of his favorable poll numbers. One thing we have been talking about a lot on this delegation is how polling is done: Polling in Colombia is done by telephone, usually within the three biggest cities: Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali, which inherently leaves out a considerable chunk of the rural and non-telephoned city dwellers...all of whom are statistically not as economically well-off, and relatedly not as pro-Uribe, as the telephoned urban residents. Uribe seems stunned that with poll numbers "as high a 75%" (as the US Embassy quoted to us this week) in Colombia, he is getting such a hard time in the US. But since those poll numbers have a flawed base...clinging to his impressive poll numbers as evidence of his success and popularity seems to make a less compelling case for him that it might first appear.

My (kinda lack of) fears
Before coming here, I did an exercise with my minister to address my worst fears about being here: I talked about my fear of being physically harmed doing this work and what that would do to my loved ones, I talked about not being able to prevent harm being done to those I worked with, and about seeing atrocities happen in front of me.

After six months here, the delegation I have been helping to lead brainstormed their fears, and I also took time to think about what I was scared about. I said I was scared of not being able to translate well during meetings, of not being able to provide people deep enough insight into the conflict, and scared that I/them would be too sick to be fully present on the delegation. These are, of course, a far cry from the fears I had coming in here.

Why? Most obviously,
Bogotá, Medellín and the Peace Community have been, knock on wood, experiencing a relatively safe period, compared with things even a year ago. In my last entry, I talked about there being a logic behind almost all of the violence that happens here, (save common street crime) and according to that logic, I am not a target. I am not living in one of the “hot” zones in the country, and so I have not been near combat, and when I do travel to these zones, all the military (and, it can be guessed, paramilitary leaders) know I am coming as a member of FOR, and I think this makes a difference. When I came I was reluctant to go to the community because of safety concerns, and now I am trying to figure out how to get back there for more time.
The current FOR team...the fabulous female five. Men are allowed...they just didn't make the cut this time!

Gabi, one of my dearest friends who I have traveled with and lived with on four continents, warned me about letting my guard down after being here for a while. She emphasized that when you live for long enough in a dangerous context, you can become desensitized to the danger. I think that, unavoidably, this has happened to me to some extent. That despite her warning, I am getting comfortable. I hope I am also becoming better-informed and more able to make decisions that will keep me and my teammates safe. What I know, however, is that I am not walking around scared. I feel aware and alert, especially in new areas or areas I know to be difficult, but I am not spending sleepless nights...even when I am in the community. I hope that this comfort is not numbness. knock on wood.

Sunday, May 06, 2007

sickness

Get your shots:
I ended up staying in the community and/or Apartadó for almost an extra two weeks in order to accompany my teammate AJ while she made daily visits to the hospital for injections to treat leptospirosis, typhoid fever and bacteria. AJ has been in Colombia since mid-November, about two weeks longer than I have, but has spent nearly the entire time in the community. She appears to be on the mend, and is now on vacation in the US, but her sickness was a reminder that simply surviving in the community is a major task. Mayra, who arrived just over a month and a half ago and has been in the community for just a month, now also has leptospirosis.
(here are the women of FOR representing at AJ's bedside. That is an iv of leptospirosis-typhoidfever-fighting-rehydrating-stuff in her arm)


Political Violence:
When I first got here and started to read about the almost never-ending violence in Colombia, and to talk with those most affected by this violence, the mothers of the disappeared, people who have had to flee their homes, I often thought: well, at least the US doesn’t have this level of violence. This was reflected in my father’s column he wrote about my work here, where he commented that though there had been some mud-slinging in the Hilary Clinton Senate reelection campaign, a least no one is physically harmed.

When I read Stephen Dudley’s book “Walking Ghosts,” which details the genocide conducted in the 1990s against the leftist political party “Unidad Popular,” or Popular Unity, in which over 3,000 members, organizers and politicians were killed, what struck me was that when the genocide started, the party didn’t notice what was happening, because political violence has become so common. Can you imagine in the US it going “under the radar” that 10s then 100s of, say, Green Party members are being killed?

It is an easy, and I think almost natural, gut reaction to think that something must be wrong with Colombia and maybe even Colombians, that this violence is so rampant. It feels like the value on human life has been degraded so thoroughly that there must be something broken in the social fabric of the country.

But then...you dig a little deeper, read a couple articles, and turns out that this source of this violence, those who literally contracted killings, sold arms, provided trainings to these killers, are Americans. The most recent revelations indicate that two American companies, Drummond and Chiquita, are behind much of the violence. Chiquita, formerly known as United Fruit Company, is implicated specifically in Urabá, the area where San José de Apartadó is located. They are accused of paying to have union leaders disappeared, and directly paying off the paramilitary groups to do their bidding. So, though our soil goes largely untouched in terms of political violence, we are effectively exporting it.

Reflections on Virginia Tech
Almost a month ago I started this blog entry contrasting the violence in Colombia to that in the United States, and talking about how the US, while peaceful overall, has actually introduced and escalated much of the violence in Colombia and in other parts of the world, so that why we don’t have to see it on a daily basis, we have participated in it nonetheless. And then, just as I was about to post it, I heard about the tragic Virginia Tech massacre, and decided to wait.

In Colombia, there is a war that causes the staggering violence, so even though there is no end in sight to the violence here, it does feel like it at least has a logic. That there is political pressure that can be mounted to end the violence, that systems of accountability can be designed by strengthening institutions - somehow makes it feel ultimately surmountable. The Virginia Tech massacre feels scarier in some ways because it is not clear how or if the causes can be addressed.

Ultimately, though, the violence in these two places does feel linked to me. To me, US policy both actively and passively promotes violence, and exacerbates already difficult situations. Would the Virginia Tech massacre have happened if we had strict gun laws which prohibited the gunman from attaining those guns? Maybe, but his easy access to so many weapons and ammo certainly facilitated the carnage. Would Colombians still be engaged in a civil war without the US government funding and training one side? And without Americans’ consumption of cocaine, which gives money to both sides of the conflict? Probably, but again the levels of violence and the loss of human life would certainly not be as devastating.